The U.S. and key NATO members should occupy western Ukraine and establish a no-combat zone. They should take action despite Putin’s nuclear threats, and they should act immediately, because the window of opportunity is closing.
A full NATO occupation of western Ukraine would preserve a free and independent nation in the west, while diminishing chances of Ukrainian success in the east. Yet those chances seem low at present, despite President Zelenskyy’s incredible leadership.
In order not to provoke Vladimir Putin into direct conflict with NATO/U.S. forces, it would have to be a two-sided no-combat zone, off limits to both Ukrainian and Russian aircraft and ground troops and the transit of arms supplies to Ukrainians fighting in the east. It could not be a protected zone from which Ukrainian troops and planes could launch attacks on Russian forces to the east.
Suspension of arms support for Ukrainian fighters in the east would be a bitter pill for President Zelenskyy. Yet in the absence of any NATO action, the crisis is likely to end in total defeat for Ukraine (and the U.S., NATO and the West).
The east-for-the-west dynamic might offer a welcome off-ramp to Putin who has bitten off a lot, if not too much, to chew.
Adoption of this mission would require a major policy change in the West. Intimidated by Putin’s nuclear threats, President Biden has nixed even the relatively minor proposals of a no-fly-zone and of the supply of NATO MIGs to Ukraine.
While Zelenskyy has requested a no-fly zone, his request glosses over key concerns and ignores others. First, a no-fly zone would have to be two-sided, for the same reasons as the proposed no-combat zone.
Second and more important, it ignores the bigger Russian threat of massive long-range missile and artillery bombardment. A no-fly zone wouldn’t stop that. A no-fly zone would be just what it sounds like, applicable to air operations only. As such, it would facilitate Russian ground attacks by preventing Ukrainian jets from attacking Russian artillery and missile launchers moving on the ground into western Ukraine.
A NATO occupation in the west would have the advantage of the initiative. NATO would warn Putin that any Russian attack on NATO forces would be met by an equivalent attack on Russian forces. Putin would be thrust into a reactive posture.
With no significant Russian operations on the ground or in the air in western Ukraine, Putin would face a tough choice. His operations in eastern Ukraine have been unimpressive, with courageous Ukrainians successfully holding off Russian forces in many places. Would Putin want to spread his forces thin by moving troops and armaments to the west to counter NATO’s move? Professional military minds should answer that question, but, from a layman’s perspective, it would seem doubtful that Putin would move west in any meaningful manner.
A NATO occupation of western Ukraine would have to be an all-in commitment and one launched immediately. While Putin would be unlikely to violate the no-combat zone with airplanes or troops, he might launch long-range missile attacks and artillery bombardment. NATO would have to commit similar armaments to be able to launch the threatened equivalent counterattacks. Also, NATO would have to commit anti-missile missiles, such as Patriots, to protect against long-range missile attacks.
The opportunity for action is closing. Recently, Russia has launched isolated missile attacks on targets in the west, including a massive missile attack on Yavoriv within a few miles of the Polish border. Moreover, eventually, the Russians will have conquered the east and will be able to turn attention to the west.
Western action to date has been insufficient. It is destined to fail.
While the U.S. and NATO have finally rushed military assistance to Ukraine, it is mostly in the form of hand-held anti-aircraft and anti-tank missiles that are highly effective at short range. Putin has countered already, as was to be expected, by shifting to long-range artillery bombardment and missile attacks. NATO cannot meet Putin’s countermove, as it would involve virtually impossible logistics to move heavy artillery to eastern Ukraine where all the fighting is now.
The proposed mission is triage, salvaging the west and effectively surrendering the east. Triage is borne of necessity, when the survival of the whole becomes impossible, and the survival of one part can only be accomplished by the surrender of another. In this case, it would also recognize a long-term reality in the natural difference between a western Ukrainian-speaking region and an eastern Russian-speaking region.
The decision to institute triage would be Zelenskyy’s. With his leadership ability, he might be able to turn triage into leverage for better terms for settlement of the conflict.
NATO and the U.S. would have to judge two things: (1) the feasibility and probability of a successful rapid occupation of the west, and (2) the relative nuclear risk entailed.
NATO and U.S. generals would have to make the judgment on the first.
The nuclear risks involved are essentially a matter of present risk versus future risk. As things stand, the refusal of Biden to assume any nuclear risk whatsoever signals to Putin – and Chinese dictator Xi Jing Ping – that nuclear saber rattling succeeds, almost ensuring that Putin and Xi will employ nuclear brinksmanship in the future.
On the other hand, the proposed NATO occupation of western Ukraine involves increased risk of a nuclear confrontation now, even if moderating it later.
Arguably, the risk today is more moderate than it would seem. Ironically, it is in Putin’s interest to concede to a partition of Ukraine. Without a negotiated settlement with NATO and the West, Putin faces twin costs of gigantic dimensions. He will be subject to the Pottery Barn rule in Ukraine: you broke it, you fix it – at enormous cost. In his own country, he faces ongoing crippling economic sanctions that, if unrelieved, are likely to decimate the Russian economy for years to come.
Whatever Putin might gain by prevailing in the entirety of Ukraine, he would give up economically – and, in addition, by becoming beholden to Xi Jing Ping for Chinese assistance in mitigating that economic damage.
Without some effort and success in pushing back against Putin, President Biden’s commitment to “defend every inch of NATO territory” rings hollow. Failure to act now demonstrates a lack of will and nerve that only invites future challenges. While an economically crippled Putin might not be capable of more mischief, Xi will be.
Haven’t we learned that failure to stand up to totalitarian dictators only encourages them? In the end, what does America stand for, if not for the defense of freedom?
Red Jahncke is a nationally recognized columnist, who writes about politics and policy. His columns appear in numerous national publications, such as The Wall Street Journal, Bloomberg, USA Today, The Hill, Issues & Insights and National Review as well as many Connecticut newspapers.